Monday, 31 March 2014

African Agrarian Question in the 21st century: Land grabbing and agribusiness

The conflicts over the control of natural resources have been a constant in Africa’s history. At the beginning of the century, however, a set of new processes of transformation of the rural areas involving new and old actors are taking place in the continent. Two main land grabbing processes have to be differentiated. On the one hand, those links to agribusinesses to produce crops with multiple uses (e.g. soy, sugar cane, oil palm, corn, etc.) for export, replacing former agricultural production systems, with serious risks to food security. And, on the other hand, those linked to extractive industries (e.g. oil, gas, biofuel, mines, forest production, etc.), expanding the frontiers of resources with serious risks to the ownership rights and use of the territories by the local populations and the sustainability of the local ecosystems. Cheap land and fairly easy access to water make Africa attractive for industrial agriculture. Investors see Africa as an “un-crowded space of opportunities,” and the prospect of accessing abundant water resources is a focal point in business plans. The scale of land deals being struck across Africa is so shocking, and the conversion of African small farms and forests into a natural-asset-based, high return investment strategy can drive up food prices and increase the risk of climate change. According to research by the World Bank, nearly 60million hectares-the size of France-has been bought or leased by foreign companies in Africa in the past three years. The deals are characterized by lack of transparency, and cases of investors taking over agricultural land, while small holder farmers, mostly viewed as squatters on their land, are forcibly removed without any or proper compensation. These trends are creating insecurity in the global food system that could be a much bigger threat to global security than the threat of terrorism. More than a billion of the world’s population is living in hunger, and the majority of the world’s poor depend on small farms for their livelihoods, and investors are taking away the land while promising progress that never happens.
African governments in cohorts with foreign investors falsely claim that the land available for sale is “unused”, “virgin”, “under-utilized”, “uncultivated” or “degraded” land. This suggests that they know preciously very little about the importance of fallows and the resilience and diversity of agro-forestry systems, or about sustainable agriculture. There is no such thing as idle land in Africa; countless studies have shown that competition for grazing land and access to water bodies are the two most important sources of inter-communal conflicts in areas populated by pastoralists. If land in Africa has not been planted such is probably for a reason, maybe it is used for grazing or deliberately left fallow to prevent nutrient deficiency or erosion. The unilateral acquisition of such land has caused more conflict and political instability and cultures have been uprooted. The Loliondo case, east of Serengeti National Park in Tanzania is one such example that has caused conflicts between community and the government and investors on the other side. The conflict has been going on for over twenty years as a result of the government’s allocation in the early 1990s of the area for use by a foreign hunting company, an action that did not take account of the existing community land use/rights of the resident Masaai, who are pastoralists.
Nations with large amounts of land sold or leased to foreign owners are often food importers, and their inability to feed their own populations is exacerbated by the displacement of food producers who grow for local use. The UN Conference on Trade and Development (UNCTAD) reports that Africa has lost 20 percent of its capacity to feed itself over the past four decades. Ethiopia alone has 13 million people in immediate need of food assistance, yet its government has put over 7 million acres of land up for sale. Furthermore, large-scale land acquisition poses massive ecological threats to the African environment. The dangers are numerous: hazardous pesticides and fertilizers cause water contamination from their runoff, the introduction of genetically modified seeds and other problems. Land previously left to lie fallow is now threatened with overuse from intensified agricultural development, a trend further exacerbated by speculative investment and the drive for short-term profits. Yet deals transferring vast tracts of land are typically taking place far removed from local farmers and villagers with virtually no accountability. The deals involving these concessions are often cloaked in secrecy, but African business has learned that they are usually characterized by allowing free access to water, repatriation of profits, tax exemptions and the ability for investors to acquire land at no cost whatsoever, with little or no restriction on the volume of food exported or its intended use, in return for a loose promise to develop infrastructure and markets. Proponents of the land deals will dismiss the aforementioned concerns and claim that this type of foreign investment will benefit the local people by providing jobs and creating infrastructure. They will also say that the land being offered is “unused.” These are hollow arguments. Investors have been quoted as saying they will employ 10,000 people and use high-tech, high-production farming techniques. The two promises are completely incongruous. High-tech, high production devices are appealing precisely because they reduce labor. Investors will not hire significant numbers of people and simultaneously scale-up their production techniques. And if they choose the former, they are likely to create low-paying jobs and poor working conditions. I may be making assumptions, but they are based on history—a history dating back to colonialism and one that has exploited both natural resources and people. This has been a source of conflict between villagers and Green Fuel, an ethanol producing company through sugar cane in Chisumbanje, Manicaland, Zimbabwe, where villagers have been complaining that they are being given peripheral jobs as laborers in the sugar cane plantations while people from other places get better jobs.

The controversy on large scale land based investments will continue along with the demand for Africa’s agricultural land in the face of ever increasing global population, dwindling agricultural land resources most developed economies and rising global food prices. The urgency is self-evident for African States to establish a framework for land investments which provides profitable opportunities for investors while supporting national development objectives and respecting the rights of local communities in African countries. This is why the efforts to improve land governance are so critical.  And yet, improving governance is also about bringing the citizens and their concerns to the center of the debate in line with the guiding African aspiration ‘that it is the inalienable right of all people to control their own destiny’. After all, the rationale for African State engaging in large scale land investments is to promote development and end poverty for Africa and her people, hence, for the Guiding Principles to be truly African owned and promote African priorities, they must reflect the voice of the diverse African citizenry.

Since poverty is predominantly rural, agricultural investments have a significant potential in providing the rural poor with jobs and income growth, however agricultural investment in rural areas is expensive and financial returns are generally low. Where investment has taken place, the rural poor take up low-paying jobs due to their lack of education and skills. In addressing this problem governments should put in place policies that promote inclusive investments in agriculture. Land policies should strike a balance between the need for agricultural investments and the interest of the poor farmers. Before land is allocated to and investor, governments should take into consideration the present and future land needs of the local people. The impact of large scale investments on demographic changes should also be taken into account in estimating future land needs. Town and country planning should be developed to the extent of taking into account the peculiar conditions that obtain in rural areas. With increasing population and the need for rural investments, it is becoming clear that land use planning should be extended to the rural areas.

There is a tendency of investors taking large tracts of land which they do not fully utilize and by so doing creating artificial shortages of land in some cases. They should only obtain land which they fully utilize within a reasonable span of time. Governments should proactively protect the rights of the poor by making sure that investors do not hold on to land which they are not utilizing. Depriving the poor of access to land is socially and economically irresponsible. Mechanism should be put in place to allocate land to investors, only which they can utilize within a specific timeframe and withdraw unutilized land from such investors. Furthermore, investment projects that include low-income groups as producers in the supply chain and as shareholders in decision making and profit making are more promising than those investments that only engage small holder farmers as laborers.

In conclusion, often, financial returns of large scale land investments are not known. Future studies could consider investigating the financial returns of agribusiness in Africa. Such studies could include the cost of developing a large scale farming operation. Comparative analyses of performance of agribusiness and firms in other sectors could also be done. Other studies could target sources of equity capital for agribusiness in agriculture.



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